On the 26th of July, the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (CNSP) in Niger performed a coup d’état against President Mohamed Bazoum, detaining him out of his residence. In a nationally televised statement, Colonel-Major Amadou Abdramanem announced they “have decided to put an end to the regime [Nigeriens] are familiar with,” because of the country’s “continuous deterioration of the security situation, the bad social and economic management.” The junta also installed blocks to the country’s borders and civilian curfews, as well as suspensions of state institutions. They nonetheless asserted that President Bazoum is doing well.

In response, there were up to 400 civilians protesting against the coup in the Niger’s capital, Niamey. Some holding signs that say “no to the destabilization of the republic’s institutions.” The protests, when reached close to the president’s residence, led to few warning shots fired by presidential guards. On international response, the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General Antonio Guterres condemned “in the strongest terms any effort to seize power by force and to undermine democratic governance, peace and stability in Niger.” The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights also called for “all actors to refrain from violence.” They both called for all the people of Niger to safeguard the country’s “democratic gains made in recent years.” The African Union and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) also denounced the coup. Nigerian President Bola Tinubu, as ECOWAS’s chairman of the month, made clear that “all lovers of democracy around the world will not tolerate any situation that incapacitates the democratically elected government of the country,” and therefore “will do everything within [their] powers to ensure democracy is firmly planted, nurtured, well rooted and thrives in our region.”

To critique, paradoxically, Niger’s relationship with Western countries complicates their involvement in the situation. President Bazoum’s unseating is particularly alarming to the international community because he is the first elected president under democratic transfer of power since the country’s independence from France in 1960. More importantly to the Western countries, is that Niger under President Bazoum is one of the U.S. and the European Union’s (E.U.) handful of allies in the region, with the U.S. having two drone bases in the country. Niger has also supported the E.U.’s initiatives to manage migration from sub-Saharan Africa, which includes the repatriation of hundreds of migrants from detention centres in Libya. In the broader geopolitical context, Niger’s coup is the seventh in West and Central Africa region since 2020. This includes Niger’s neighbours, Mali and Burkina Faso, of which recent coups have led to a pro-Russian political stance. In addition, the further destabilization of the region makes it vulnerable to the expansion of terrorist groups associated with al-Qaeda and ISIS. These strategic interests of Western countries in Niger muddles the question of impartiality in their defence of liberal democracy in the region. This is evident in Niger situation as CNSP asserted to resist against any forms of foreign intervention for the country’s situation. This is to say that Niger’s situation exemplifies Western countries’ contradictory engagement in the entangled pursue of national interests and international peace.

Given the Western countries’ entwined involvement with Niger, it is imperative to adapt a transparent, delicate and balanced approach towards the situation. Such an approach would necessitate careful consideration of the dynamics at play. This includes the empowerment of local or regional powers to bring indigenous resistance in addressing the coup and its implications. This can contribute to building a more comprehensive and inclusive solution that respects Niger’s democratic aspirations while ensuring regional stability.