This week Southeast Asian and other foreign leaders gathered in Singapore for the 33rd annual ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) meeting at a time when there are growing tensions in Asia. U.S. Vice-President Mike Pence, speaking at the meeting, said, “We all agree that empire and aggression has no place in the Indo-Pacific…our [the United States’] vision for the Indo-Pacific excludes no nation. It only requires that nations treat their neighbours with respect, and respect the sovereignty of our nations and international rules and order.” These statements, clearly pointed at China, come at a time when there are increasing tensions between the United States and China. Already locking horns with Beijing over trade disputes, Washington has been critical of the Chinese navy’s activities in the South China Sea.

Speaking further on such issues as the South China Sea, Vice-President Pence expressed the United States’ commitment to upholding the freedom of the sea and skies, standing “shoulder-to-shoulder with you [ASEAN countries] on freedom of navigation.” Meanwhile, Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang has been discussing with ASEAN countries a “code of conduct” for managing issues and differences that have arisen or may arise out of competing for territorial claims in the South China Sea. Premier Li has said, “The single draft negotiating text is not merely a technical term, but an indication that China and ASEAN have reached consensus on ensuring peace and stability, freedom of overflight and navigation in the South China Sea. We have found the way to properly manage and defuse differences.”

On Thursday, Singapore’s Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong warned that Southeast Asian nations might have to be forced to choose between the rival visions of China or the United States on region’s future: “If you are friends with two countries which are on different sides, sometimes it is possible to get along with both, sometimes it’s more awkward when you try to get along with both…I think it’s very desirable for us not to have to take sides, but the circumstances may come when Asean may have to choose one or the other. I am hoping that it’s not coming soon.”

Other issues that were brought up at the summit included North Korea and Myanmar. According to The Korea Times, U.S. National Security Adviser John Bolton has reportedly indicated that the U.S. will consider a second summit with North Korea. On Wednesday, Vice-President Pence spoke with Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi and expressed his concern about the violence against the country’s Rohingya Muslims. Recently, Amnesty International has withdrawn its highest honour, the Ambassador of Conscience Award, from Suu Kyi.

As mentioned earlier, these comments from world leaders come at a time of flared-up tensions between the world’s two largest economies. With the state of the global economy depending on the stable relationship between the United States and China, it is imperative that both political and business leaders in Washington and Beijing push for renewed discussions and resolution to the various economic and security issues in dispute. Compromise should be the by-word of the bilateral relationship moving forward. Though there are forces on both sides insisting on a resolute stand, not wanting to appease the other side with various concessions, there must be agreements that produce mutual benefits.  Given the growing relationship between Presidents Trump and Xi and their respective commands over their countries’ foreign policies, it is probably through them that any major breakthrough can occur.

The ongoing breakdown in U.S.-China relations should be viewed within the wider context of Asia’s current political dynamics. Since 2011, when former President Barack Obama expressed his desire to “pivot” American foreign policy towards the Asia-Pacific region in order to untangle the United States from the complexities of Middle Eastern affairs, Asia watchers have focused much of their attention on the United States’ Asia policy. After several years of this “policy shift,” some Asia specialists have been less expectant of any major changes in American foreign policy in the region.

Currently, while there have been steps in order to bolster the United States’ relationship with key strategic Asian partners and allies, such as India, South Korea, and Japan, significant work remains. When India was ready to conclude a major arms deal with Russia in October, gaining Russia’s well-known S-400 missile defense system, President Trump threatened to sanction India. India ended up going forward with the agreement, expressing New Delhi’s tendency to pursue an independent foreign policy and make itself as a leader in the non-aligned movement. In terms of the U.S.’ relationship with its Northeast Asian allies, just like with NATO, Trump has been insistent that they pay up for their defense. Furthermore, Trump has been critical of the trade relationship between the U.S. and its Northeast Asian partners, particularly Japan, claiming unfair trade policies.

It must be noted that President Trump will not be present at either the ASEAN or APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) summits this year, putting into doubt whether the United States has any particular interest in Asia or has any professed Asia policy.

With major summits occurring this month focusing on the political, economic, and security dynamics of the Asia Pacific, these fora provide the perfect opportunities for leaders of the region to pursue greater steps in resolving their differences and providing a stable and secure future for their respective nations. It is hoped that the vital trade (in the trillions of dollars) that flows through the South China Sea will provide an impetus for leaders to seek cooperation, not conflict. A century after the end of the First World War and in the very month of its commemoration, it is vital that tensions between Washington and Beijing do not result in the sort of great-power conflict that dominated the twentieth century.