Within the last two decades, gulf states, including the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, have undergone economic diversification strategies that aim to shift their dependence on oil and gas. Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 focuses on projects such as N.O.E.M. to develop non-oil sectors, attracting more foreign investment, promoting tourism and entertainment, and further developing their financial district. In the U.A.E., focus shifted towards promoting and building up aviation, financial services, and artificial intelligence. In Qatar, sports tourism and infrastructure are prioritized.
Aside from technology, tourism, finance, and infrastructure, the gulf states are also engaging with more global projects and events, all of which aid their economies by providing soft power for the region. Participation ranges from hosting international sports competitions to investing in foreign nations, cultural projects, and sports, all of which allow for these nations to gain more traction and recognition.
While the world is focused on watching these nations reinvent their economies by hosting World Cups or profiting off prime travel hubs like Dubai, human rights violations continue to be an issue. When looking at economic diversification, human rights concerns are present regarding workers, migrant labor systems, political freedoms, and restrictions on civil liberties. A prime example of a crossroads between diversification and human rights is the Kafala Sponsorship System, which, according to the Council on Foreign Relations (C.F.R.), gives private citizens and companies in gulf states almost total control over migrant workers’ immigration status and employment, with few regulations and worker protections. This system is just one example of human rights violations as the cost of economic diversification.
Human rights concerns are also prevalent regarding low wages, unfit working conditions, extreme heat, poor living conditions, limited health care access, passport control, and employee abuse (C.F.R.). Overall, economic development and diversification is beneficial for nations; but, when combined with human rights violations, reform is needed, and international humanitarian law must be more strictly implemented.
As previously stated, a major issue is the dependence of the gulf states on migrant workers in the Kafala System. The fast-paced economic increases force them to rely on migrants, as their own population cannot provide enough workers. However, after years of mistreatment and violations, Saudi Arabia has begun to abolish the system. The nation will be implementing 13 new freedoms, which enable workers to switch jobs after their contract ends without employer permission; apply for exit and re-entry visas through online platforms; and to freely leave the country without employer approval (Walk Free). Walk Free also mentions how the U.A.E. and Qatar are taking steps to improve their systems, though the U.A.E. still fully operates under the Kafala System. According to Al Tamimi & Co., U.A.E. reforms consist of fixed term contracts, equal pay, the possible termination of employment contracts, and stricter limits on working hours. Qatar’s reforms are operating very similarly to Saudi Arabia’s, with the implementation of minimum wage requirements, and workers gaining access to sponsorship transfers and the freedom to leave the nation without employer consent.
There are two notable issues present, however. The efficiency and longevity of the enforcement of these reforms remains to be seen, and the U.A.E. still utilizes the Kafala system, though under stricter conditions. When it comes to enforcement, Saudi Arabia and Qatar appear to be moving in the right direction. However, Qatar primarily began their reform to prepare for the 2022 F.I.F.A. World Cup. Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 reforms aim to create better living conditions while also preparing for the 2034 World Cup. Both nations are engaged in reforms because of major world events, which will boost tourism, their economies, and recognition. This creates concern over whether reform is being done with the correct moral and legal intentions, as well as if there will be regressions in worker treatment once these events are over. According to Amnesty International, enforcement in Qatar has weakened since 2022.
Currently, Saudi Arabia has a G.D.P. of over $1 trillion dollars. The U.A.E.’s G.D.P. is over $621 billion, and Qatar’s over $217 billion. All of these countries have G.D.P.s that rank in the top 60 nations, yet their desire to diversify and increase their economies is still coming at the cost of migrant workers, and will continue to do so until this system is fully dismantled. Economic and soft power hunger are preventing fully just reforms. Because of migrant workers and economic advancements, these three states are currently very successful and gaining greater traction in the international world. However, in order to become completely successful nations and hubs for international events, their human rights records need to increase, with migrant workers being a major focal point.
Examples of how these violations can be fixed include a full international abolishment of the Kafala System in all states that utilize it. These states could then come together with the International Labor Organization (I.L.O.) to draft a new system for employing migrant workers that follows all aspects of International Humanitarian Law. There should be clear labor standards and requirements, with the I.L.O. having full ability to examine and visit all working and living conditions at random. Aside from dismantling the Kafala system, having international oversight like the I.L.O. is necessary to hold these nations accountable and prevent as many loopholes from occurring as possible.
A less harsh approach would be for these nations to fully focus on reform from within, making living and workplace conditions more suitable and aligned with proper human rights. This would not require total international oversight and the complete dismantling of their systems, but would instead build on the reforms already present. The Gulf Cooperation Council can set standards for healthy and sanitary living, including limits on how many workers can be allotted to one area. Similar regulations can be put in place for workplace standards, making sure that there is a standard for cleanliness and heat threshold so workers do not get ill. Moreover, providing workers with healthcare would be a major step towards creating a better humanitarian situation, giving them more rights and a higher standard of living.
Lastly, another strategy to enforce reforms and the dismantling of the system would be for the international community to place sanctions on these nations. Sanctions are a difficult approach because this region is a world hub for oil and gas; however, sanctions do not have to be applied to imports or exports, which would damage oil trading relationships. Rather, the international community could publicly and formally condemn the treatment of migrant workers. They could impose travel bans to limit tourism and prevent gulf state business leaders from entering their nations, and remove all major international events from these states. This would harm tourism, which has become a steady income for these nations, especially considering events like World Cups and the location of cultural sites.
Overall, the gulf states should continue to pursue economic diversification. However, the modernization of their labor systems needs to be aligned with international law, and the mistreatment of migrant workers must come to an end. Gulf states such as Saudi Arabia, the U.A.E., and Qatar must be held accountable for their actions and mistreatment of migrants, rather than given opportunities to host international events and build economic relations with leading nations.
