Introduction:
Mexico’s landscape is extremely complex, with numerous events occurring simultaneously. This complexity cuts across political, social, cultural, economic, environmental, human rights, and security spheres, all of which are interconnected and difficult to discuss in isolation. For example, political, social, environmental, and security concerns are entwined with conflicts between indigenous groups, the government, and criminal organisations in the states of Michoacan, Chiapas, and Guerrero. Similarly, political, social, and human rights issues intersect when analysing citizen distrust. This report will focus on several events that eroded public trust in Mexico and will examine how government initiatives aimed at rebuilding this trust.
Section 1: Historical Context.
Trust in government institutions is needed to maintain a healthy democracy. However, in Mexico, this confidence has fluctuated over time. Historically, Mexico was not a democracy until 2000, after 71 years of one-party rule. The transition was one of the most significant events in Mexican history. However, it mainly focused on electoral politics (Bizberg, 2007). Unlike other Latin American countries, Mexico did not have a completely authoritarian regime, so the transition was not as dramatic (Carbonell, 2002; Cadena-Roa, 2003). Nevertheless, before 2000, elections were neither fair nor competitive (Del Tronco, 2012) The political landscape was characterised by a mixture of new and veteran politicians after this transition, blurring the lines between the preceding regime and its successor (Gibson, 2005; Prud’homme, 2015).
It has been almost 24 years since the transition in Mexico, and during this time, the country has undergone many changes. One of the most significant transformations in the post-transition era began in 2018, when Andrés Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) and his party MORENA (Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional- National Regeneration Movement) came to power. This period of change will continue under the leadership of Claudia Sheinbaum, Mexico’s first female president. She won nearly 60% of the popular vote, surpassing AMLO’s victory in 2018 (Morán Breña, 2024). However, her mandate will face significant challenges given the current situation in Mexico.
Mexico has experienced a significant rise in insecurity, crime, and violence, making it an increasingly dangerous country for its citizens. Violent clashes between criminal groups and military forces have led to many fatalities. These events have contributed to widespread distrust in political institutions, a sentiment that intensified during the Covid pandemic (Ramírez Alcántara and Torres Sánchez, 2021).
1.1 Contemporary Context
The Latinobarómetro report showed that Mexico has seen an increase in the acceptance of democracy, rising to 37% from 2020 to 2023. However, levels of dissatisfaction remain high at 61%. A large segment of the population, around 33%, believe that more authoritarian forms of governance are preferable to democracy. According to this report, one of the causes of democratic erosion—not only in Mexico but also in other Latin American countries—is that several politicians have been accused of corruption. This endemic corruption, combined with incessant violence, has led to widespread distrust in multiple institutions.
According to Human Rights Watch, over 105,000 people have been reported missing in Mexico (Human Rights Watch, 2023). The National Search Commission (Comisión Nacional de Búsqueda[1]) said that by June 2024, there had been 114,570 missing people. Most disappearances took place in 2006. The states with the most missing people are Jalisco, Tamaulipas, Estado de México, Veracruz, and Nuevo León (IMDHD, 2023; IEP, 2024).
In addition to missing people, attacks on journalists, human rights defenders, politicians, and policemen are not uncommon. In 2023, there were 275 cases of political violence, of which 171 were homicides which occurred mostly at the municipal level (IEP, 2024). From 2018 to 2023, 2,600 policemen were murdered (IEP, 2024). 2023 saw 331 threats, attacks, or other forms of aggression against journalists (Human Rights Watch, 2023). In 2022, twenty-two human rights defenders were murdered and fourteen were killed in 2023 (Comité Cerezo Mexico, 2023; Comité Cerezo Mexico, 2024)
According to several studies, Mexicans generally do not trust politicians or the government because they believe they are corrupt (Fix Fierro et al., 2017; Zuart Garduño and Herrán Aguirre, 2021). This distrust may stem from the fact that various national and local politicians, mayors, military figures, policemen, and border control agents are allegedly collaborating with criminal groups (Beith, 2011; Solís González, 2012; Parra Rosales et al., 2019; Vargas Pasaye, 2020)
Consequently, many crimes in 2022 were not reported or investigated, as indicated by the National Survey on Victimisation and Perception of Public Safety (ENVIPE). According to this survey, 92.4% of crimes went unreported due to an endemic lack of trust in the authorities. Complicated bureaucratic procedures also dissuade people from reporting crimes (INEGI, 2023).
Crime and corruption have exacerbated perceptions of insecurity and have led to drastic changes in the population’s personal habits. According to the National Urban Public Security Survey (ENSU), in March 2024, 61% of the population aged 18 and above said they didn’t feel safe in their city and another 47.4% don’t wear jewellery and don’t use cash or credit cards to avoid becoming victims of crime. Moreover, 40.8% avoid walking around their neighbourhoods after 8 pm (INEGI, 2024). Empirical studies have shown that many people choose to “see, hear, and shut up” to try to survive in their communities” (Parra Rosales et al., 2019). Given this broad range of problems, various initiatives have been employed to stem this crime wave. Some are implemented by the government, while others are organised by citizens themselves.
Section 2: Government and Societal Responses
2.1. Federal Policies
It is challenging to analyse every strategy employed at the municipal and state levels, because each government’s approach is unique and tailored to their specific plans and policies. However, at the national level, there are some programs and budgets that have been implemented across all three levels of government. President Peña Nieto, in order to break the wave of violence that ensued after his predecessor Felipe Calderón imposed draconian security policies, introduced the National Crime Prevention strategy in 2012. With this strategy, Nieto aimed to mitigate “the risk factors that generated the violence and crime, as well as combat the various causes and factors that generated it” (DOF, 2022). This strategy prioritised citizen security, human rights, gender rights, and community cohesion (México Evalúa, 2017).
Nevertheless, this policy faced criticism from various parties for not meeting its objectives. Critics focused on methodological, legal, and administrative issues, the lack of targeted measures that could prevent murders or gun injuries, and the absence of empirical results. More importantly, this strategy did little to reduce crime or violence throughout the country (México Evalúa, 2017; Ramírez-de-Garay and Pavel Díaz Román, 2017; Hernández, 2020). However, Peña Nieto continued using militaristic strategies to fight crime.
Other strategies include budgets such as FASP (Fondo de Aportaciones para la Seguridad Pública -Public Security Contributions Fund), FORTASEG (Programa de Fortalecimiento para la Seguridad- Security Empowerment Program) and FORTAMUN (Fondo de Aportaciones para el Fortalecimiento de los Municipios- Municipal Empowerment Contributions Fund). The first two budgets are used for several purposes, such as improving equipment, police training, public security infrastructure, crime prevention strategies, and other actions tied to public security. FORTAMUN, meanwhile, is a budget that can be used for purposes other than public security. The budgets for these strategies have been altered with each new administration. PRONAPRED and FORTASEG are now defunct.
Mexico’s former president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, also relied on militaristic strategies. He created the National Guard (La Guardia Nacional[2]) after all (Bazán Mayagoitia and Padilla Delgado, 2023). However, AMLO also allocated financial aid to the most vulnerable segments of the population. This initiative provides monetary support to elders, individuals with disabilities, children from single-parent or no-parent households, students, and many others[3].
These social programs have received a mixed reception from journalists, academics, and politicians. Critics claim that these programs offer limited support to the most vulnerable individuals (Camacho Servín, 2021; Centeno, 2023; Martínez, 2023; Lozano, 2023). In Mexico, the overarching objective of these security and social programs is to bring about national peace. One strategy concentrates on bolstering public safety, while the other aims to improve economic prospects for individuals.
Other strategies proposed by AMLO’s administration focus on judicial reforms and the removal of seven autonomous bodies. The first strategy proposes the election of judges by popular vote. AMLO expects that this reform will reduce corruption, enhance transparency in the judicial process, and restore public trust in judicial institutions (López Obrador, 2024). The second strategy focuses on reducing government costs (Ortiz, 2024). To achieve this, he proposed the elimination of the following autonomous bodies:
- the National Institute of Transparency, Access to Information and Protection of Personal Data (INAI-Instituto Nacional de Transparencia, Acceso a la Información y Protección de Datos Personales), which ensures transparency and access to information and personal data,
- the Federal Economic Competition Commission (COFECE-Comisión Federal de Competencia Económica), which regulates markets competition,
- the Federal Telecommunications Institute (IFT- Instituto Federal de Telecomunicaciones) which regulates access to telecommunications,
- the Energy Regulatory Commission (CRE- Comisión Reguladora de Energía), which regulates energy matters,
- the National Hydrocarbons Commission (CNH- Comision Nacional de Hidrocarburos), which monitors the exploration and extraction of hydrocarbons,
- the National Council for the Evaluation of Social Development Policy (CONEVAL- Consejo Nacional de Evaluación de la Política de Desarrollo Social), which measures social development and poverty, and
- the National Commission for the Continuous Improvement of Education, which focuses on helping the development of teachers and schools (Cámara de Diputados, 2024).
These reforms have triggered very mixed reactions as well (SinEmbargo, 2024; Ortiz, 2024).
2.2. Societal Responses.
Grassroots responses to crime have been far more impactful. For example, the poet Javier Sicilia created the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity in 2011. This movement not only aimed to end the war on crime initiated by Calderón, but also to prevent the criminalisation of the victims of violence (Gordillo García, 2023). Additionally, in 2017, parents who lost their daughters created la Caravana Internacional de Búsqueda de Personas (CIBP-International Caravan for the Search of Missing People). They issued a public appeal to help identify and provide information about missing people and visited several states with their caravan. Numerous colectivos and NGOs take part in this movement (Estrada, 2023).
Almost all theses colectivos are formed by women[4]. These groups have spread throughout the country. One of these groups were formed in response to the kidnapping of 43 students in Ayotzinapan. Other examples are los colectivos de madres buscadoras (The Searching Mothers Collective). These groups have uncovered clandestine graves in several states and have specialised in various fields like forensic science, geo-location, and human rights. (Estrada, 2023). There are approximately 120 colectivos in Mexico today, according to Karla Quintana Ozuna, the former chief of National Search Commission. (Rosagel, 2021)
Grassroots organisations, mainly comprised of indigenous communities, operate beyond the state’s jurisdiction and have even replaced state authorities in some cases. These groups often oppose extractive mega projects that threaten indigenous territories, which can lead to tension and instability in certain areas (Richard and Loeza Reyes, 2017). Additionally, these projects have a detrimental impact on the environment (Carpio-Domínguez, 2021). Examples of this phenomenon can be found in the states of Michoacán, Guerrero, and Chiapas (Stahler-Sholk, 2007; Gasparello, 2021; Navarrete, 2021).
Despite the presence of self-defence groups, certain regions continue to face persistent challenges. In Michoacán, the avocado and lemon farming industries are still under the influence of organised crime. These criminal groups demand payments for water usage, harvesting, planting, and other agricultural activities (Cano, 2023; Sáez, 2024). These extortionate practices have a detrimental impact on product pricing and disrupt the import/export processes (Rodríguez, 2023; El País, 2023).
It can be difficult to take effective community action, because criminals tend to offer lucrative employment to people looking to escape unstable jobs. In some cases, individuals are coerced to join these groups (Parra Rosales et al., 2019). In other cases, people are evicted from their homes and forcefully displaced (Pérez Mendoza, 2022; Muro Aréchiga and Rodríguez Chávez, 2022; Colin Huizar, 2023).
Consequently, scholars and journalists have debated whether Mexico should be considered a failed state[5] or a narco-state[6]. However, they also warn about the downsides of defining Mexico in such a limited way (Schmidt, 2012; Chouvy, 2016). Other concepts, such as the impersonated state or weak state, are more useful and help explain the complexities of the Mexican system, and the infiltration of criminal groups within it (Schmidt, 2012; Garibay Camarena, 2023; Cisneros, 2023).
Section 3: Conclusions
Crime and corruption continue to shape people’s lives in Mexico. As seen above, widespread mistrust is linked to a lack of justice and high levels of corruption and impunity. Crime and violence are complex challenges that require multifaceted solutions, closely linked to efforts to restore people’s trust in their government. In the field of security, Mexico has received several recommendations. Experts suggest that Mexico must shift its strategy against drugs from a military approach to a more holistic one. This includes the withdrawal of armed forces, strengthening the police, and the prioritisation of human rights (Anaya Muñoz and García Campos, 2014; CIDH, 2020).
Allowing citizens to play a more active role in the supervision of government actions is important (Estrada, 2023). There is a noticeable disconnect between citizens and Mexico’s three levels of government, leading to institutionalised participation that often neglects people’s needs and opinions, making them feel undervalued by their representatives (Prud’homme, 2015; Puga, 2019). Additionally, safeguarding the independence of autonomous institutions is crucial, without neglecting the need to restructure them (Fabián Ruíz, 2017; Camarena González et al., 2021; Arredondo Martínez, 2022). This issue has gained traction since President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) considered the dissolution of some of these entities.
It is also vital to implement strategies that restore trust in government entities. For example, this can be achieved by enacting policies that reduce violence and crime (Gómez Vilchis, 2018; Vega Godínez, 2021). Moreover, it is important to create policies through a bottom-up approach. This means developing proposals based on community input and needs, rather than imposing top-down solutions (Kloppe-Santamaría and Abello Colak, 2019).
It is clear that addressing the root causes of criminal infiltration and its impact on society is crucial for the nation’s progress. The path forward requires a concerted effort from the government and civil society to restore stability and ensure the prosperity of communities affected by criminal organisations. This approach will not only improve conditions on the ground in the short term; it will pave the way towards a brighter, safer, and more prosperous future for all Mexicans.
[1] https://versionpublicarnpdno.segob.gob.mx/Dashboard/ContextoGeneral
[2] One of the main purposes of the National Guard “is to perform the role of public security under the jurisdiction of the Federation and, where appropriate (…) offer temporary support in public security efforts of federal entities or municipalities” (Cámara de Diputados, 2019)
[3] https://www.gob.mx/bienestar#314
[4] Currently, there are other colectivos composed of both women and men, such as Guerreros Buscadores de Jalisco (Franco, 2024).
[5] Samuel Schmidt (2012) says that this concept was created in the United States, far removed from conditions on the ground in Mexico, so it is important to use this term with caution.
[6] Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy (2016) argues that the term inadequately represents the intricate socio-political and economic complexities of drug-producing nations.
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