On August 10th, 2025, dozens of soldiers, including a prominent general, were arrested over an alleged coup attempt against the ruling junta in Mali. One of the arrestees was General Abass Dembele, a former governor of the central Mopti region. The mass arrest seems to be a part of the government’s crackdown on opposition and possible rivals since the 2020 coup by General Assimi Goita.
“All are soldiers. Their objective was to overthrow the junta,” claimed an unnamed lawmaker in Mali’s National Transition Council (NTC), the junta-backed parliament, according to the AFP. A member of the NTC stated that the number of arrests had reached 50, while a Mali security official said 20 people in an interview with AFP.
This mass arrest is not an occasion to be praised by the international community. It is not a separate incident: the repressive wave has swept across Mali since General Goita’s seizure of power in 2020. About a week before the mass arrest, the former Malian Prime Minister Moussa Mora was charged with “undermining the credibility of the state.” Mora, who served as the PM from 2014 – 2015, posted a social media post about his visit to the prisoners and called for their fair treatment before his apprehension. The Goita-led military government has restricted civil and human rights, such as disbanding all political parties and arresting democracy activists. Claus-Dieter Konig, the head of the West Africa office of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, said in an interview with German broadcaster Deutsche Welle (DW), “Goita is becoming a dictatorial ruler. Opposition members live in fear of being arrested.” Consolidation of power and restriction of human rights are not the answer to the current problems that Mali faces, including the surge of terrorism. Rather than supporting the junta’s military, international actors should push for a civilian-led transition plan, monitored by the African Union and other international observers, coupled with aid that is conditionally provided.
Mali has faced both internal and external crises since the 2020 coup. Five years ago, a junta led by General Goita overthrew the democratically elected government, accusing it of corruption and its inability to provide security in the wake of jihadist attacks. However, Goita’s tactics and strategy seem to have backfired. Following the 2020 coup, Mali expelled French forces in an effort to reduce the former colonial ruler’s influence. In turn, the junta embraced Russian support, notably through Wagner mercenaries. Regardless, terrorist attacks by Al-Qaeda and Islamic States (IS) are persisting, even with the help of Wagner. Over all, it appears that Goita uses insurgency as a pretext for his grip on power and takes advantage of Russia’s mercenaries as a means of repression.
The wave of repression is unlikely to ebb in the near term. As the war against Islamist terrorist groups intensifies, the junta is likely to justify the crackdown as maintaining security. As the influence of Russia grows, there is less room for France and the U.S. to step in. If international actors continue to support authoritarian governments under the guise of counterterrorism, Mali could witness prolonged unrest, radicalization, and humanitarian decline. Still, the West could incentivize Mali’s return to democracy by economic aid, which could address the root cause of the problem: poverty. Poverty is the main driving force behind the radicalization and recruitment by terrorist groups. Economic aid is as important as military aid. However, restoring democracy must be the first priority.
