Seventeen-Year-Old Protester Dies During Clashes In Venezuelan Capital

This past Wednesday, a 17-year-old protester was killed during clashes between anti-Maduro protesters and security forces in the Venezuelan capital, Caracas. This takes the death toll from the country’s civil unrest to 70. There are contradicting accounts surrounding his death, though, with the government saying that a homemade mortar exploded in his hands as he and fellow protesters faced off with National Guard troops. Some members of the opposition, on the other hand, claim he was hit by a canister fired straight at him. The victim, identified as Neomar Lander, is the latest victim of violent clashes between security forces and pro and anti-government demonstrators. The victims of this violence include not only opposition demonstrators, but also government supporters, bystanders and members of the security forces. And yet, tensions look set to continue, in light of government plans to rewrite the constitution. That of course, would most likely exacerbate matters in a country which has been deeply affected by a wave of protests which began in March of this year. It is worth mentioning that so far, this has been the worst crisis of President Maduro’s four-year rule. His government has long been accused of being responsible for Venezuela’s growing economic and humanitarian crisis, which has seen both its economy and its GDP shrink by 10 percent and 19 percent respectively. The key contributing factors to this economic under-performance is the government’s fixed exchange rate and deep corruption both at the government level. Allied with political instability, it is clear to many observers that the current crisis requires mediation from a neutral (preferably foreign) party.

To make matters worse, the regime’s perceived authoritarian tendencies will only serve to widen the gulf in what is at present a deeply-divided society could be on the verge of collapse. A collapse, which could, of course, become inevitable unless the government, in cooperation with the opposition, can find a solution to the most pressing issues affecting Venezuela at the moment: rising crime levels, and food and medical shortages. Needless to say, much of the rhetoric from both sides makes this task slightly more difficult. Opposition leader Henrique Capriles made that quite clear last week when he said that the Maduro government “has closed all the democratic doors. So what else can we do? Going onto the streets is the only options we have left.” His stance, which most members of the opposition appear to agree with, serves to highlight how far both sides are from reaching some form of compromise.  In addition, Maduro’s opinion of the protesters adds to this sense of bleakness, having recently called his foes violent conspirators engaged in “criminal terrorism”, during a televised speech which was broadcasted on state TV. In that very same speech, he compared them (the opposition) to Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini and Augusto Pinochet. Such an unfortunate choice of words does little to shore up support for a President, who has seen his popularity plummet significantly over the past two years.

Despite President Maduro’s claim that his proposed constitutional rewrite will help steer the country in the right direction, most observers agree that a de-escalation in terms of street violence is contingent on both the government’s ability to address the heavy-handedness of its security forces, as well as sitting down with an opposition which currently controls most of the seats in the National Assembly. Judging by how the government has so far failed to meet the opposition’s increasing calls for a general election, foreign humanitarian aid, freedom for hundreds of jailed activists and more autonomy for the aforementioned National Assembly, it remains to be seen how the country can move beyond the current impasse. Tt should be noted that the ruling party has pushed forward a plan for an election towards the end of July—to put in place a constituent assembly that will have the power to rewrite the constitution and potentially dissolve state institutions—in a blatantly provocative move. This proposed move has obviously drawn swift criticism from various elements within Venezuelan society. One of those voices is that of Venezuela’s chief prosecutor, Luisa Ortega Diaz, who recently urged the Supreme Court to annul President Maduro’s proposed constitutional rewrite. Ms. Diaz has been quite vocal in her opposition to the move, which she and a significant portion of Venezuelans deem to be both illegal and undemocratic. Interestingly enough, the magistrates who currently sit on the Supreme Court are the same ones responsible for the March decision to strip the opposition-controlled National Assembly of its powers. That decision triggered the current wave of protests.

Taken globally, the individuals and actions which have led to the crisis currently engulfing Venezuela can be traced to a small set of actors. The solution to the problems created by said individuals and their accompanying actions, though, requires concerted efforts on multiple levels from a wider set of actors—national, regional and international. From a societal point of view, there is an obvious need for assistance in the form of medical and food supplies. Not only is it important to convince the government to move swiftly to accelerate that process, it is imperative that a wide network of international bodies/actors including the likes of the UN, the US, and regional powers show a willingness to use coercive action to draw a peace-building plan from both the government and the opposition. Two years of instability has clearly sapped out the patience and goodwill of the populace, making it risky to continue down the path that the country firmly finds itself in. From a political level, the fighting words and political mobilization by key players from within the national political scene can be a source of optimism for many who have lost faith in the system. That is not to say that more work isn’t required to restore the democratic pillars upon which the country is built on, but as the recent actions of the chief prosecutor clearly demonstrate, there are mechanisms in place to check the powers of the executive branch of government. It is the actions of those who are able to affect change, which will help to build moment on that front.

Also needed, is some form of economic expertise to address problems, which are largely been borne out of years of economic mismanagement by successive Venezuelan governments. For an oil-rich country, which has for so long been dependent on its oil revenues, a rather simplistic view would be to recommend a more diversified economy to alleviate some of the burden placed on that particular industry. But as some observers have pointed out, cronyism and patronage have played somewhat of a role in contributing to the levels of said economic mismanagement witnessed throughout the Chavez years—which have in turn survived into Maduro’s presidency.

As soon as much-needed momentum is gained in the abovementioned areas, Venezuela may yet be able to pull itself out of its current political, economic, and social predicament.

Arthur Jamo
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